4 MIN READ

The Grammar Mistake You Make Trying To Sound Smart

We learn the rules of grammar so we can get it right. But sometimes, trying too hard to sound correct can have the opposite effect.

by Jennifer Wood
Minimalist composition of Scrabble tiles spelling 'Me, Myself, and I'

There are a few linguistic tricks we all tend to fall back on to sound smarter, such as tossing around an obscure term, dropping in some piece of specialized jargon, or choosing a formal-sounding word when a simpler one will do.

Sometimes, those attempts to sound sophisticated can backfire — and not because of a mangled attempt at a complicated pronunciation. In fact, one of the most revealing examples of grammar gone wrong can be found in a tiny two-letter word: “me.”

Somewhere along the way, “me” acquired a bad reputation. We’ve been taught that “I” is the more proper choice, and “myself” can sound even more polished. So instead of saying, “Please send the report to Victoria and me,” someone might opt for “Please send the report to Victoria and myself,” apparently hoping to give the sentence a little grammatical oomph.

Unfortunately, this ends up doing the opposite.

Me, Myself, and I 

There’s a name for this particular grammatical overreach: hypercorrection. In other words, we’re so afraid of getting it wrong that we use a word we think sounds more correct — and end up getting it wrong anyway.

“Me” vs. “myself” is a particularly good example.

There’s nothing inherently wrong with “myself.” It’s a perfectly useful word when it’s doing what a reflexive pronoun is supposed to do, which is refer back to the subject of the sentence. You can say, “I hurt myself,” “I bought myself a new car,” or even “I told myself to calm down.” In each case, “myself” is referring back to the person doing the action. (If you replace the subject of each of the examples with “she” or “he,” you would use the corresponding reflexive pronoun, “herself” or “himself.”) A reflexive pronoun can also be used for emphasis, as in, “I myself confirmed the order.”

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What you generally can’t do is use “myself” as a more sophisticated stand-in for “me.” That’s where sentences such as “Please send the report to Victoria and myself” go wrong. The report is being sent to Victoria and “me.” Adding another person to the sentence can make the pronoun choice feel trickier, but it’s not. There’s a simple way to check your grammar: Take Victoria out of the sentence.

“Please send the report to myself.”

That sounds wrong because it is. You’d say, “Please send the report to me.” So put Victoria back in, and you get: “Please send the report to Victoria and me.”

Of course, it’s not only “me” that gets incorrectly replaced. Sometimes the appropriate pronoun is “I.” The same problem crops up when “myself” gets put into the subject position: “Victoria and myself will attend the meeting.”

Again, take Victoria out: “Myself will attend the meeting” is clearly wrong. The correct version is “Victoria and I will attend the meeting.”

Why We Keep Getting It Wrong

The trick above is useful for native English speakers who have an ear for correct grammar, but the problem still persists, even among folks who pride themselves on their proper spelling and punctuation. It goes back to one of the most deeply ingrained grammar lessons many of us received in school: Don’t say “Me and Victoria.” Say “Victoria and I.”

That advice isn’t wrong. In “Victoria and I went to the meeting,” “I” is part of the subject. But the lesson is often remembered as simply: “I” is good; “me” is bad. And that’s where things start to go sideways.

Consider these two sentences: 

“Victoria and I went to the meeting.” 
“The client called Victoria and me.”

Both of these examples are correct. In the first one, we are both performing the action, so “I” is correct. In the second, we are both the objects of the action, so “me” is correct.

If you’re unsure, again, remove the other person from the sentence. You wouldn’t say, “Me went to the meeting.” You also wouldn’t say, “The editor called I.” 

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“Between You and I …”

The fear of getting that distinction wrong has given us one of English’s most enduring hypercorrections: “Between you and I … ” It sounds formal. It sounds polished. It sounds like something someone who cares deeply about grammar might say. It’s also traditionally considered incorrect.

Since the word “between” is a preposition, the pronoun that follows it should be in the objective case: “between you and me.”

Again, “I” isn’t a fancier version of “me”; they’re two words that simply have different grammatical jobs. And “myself” isn’t a fancier version of either one. That may be the central lesson of the hypercorrection phenomenon: A word doesn’t magically become more correct just because it sounds more formal. 

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3 MIN READ

‘Dude’ Used To Be a Massive Insult

While “dude” is pretty inoffensive today, it was once considered a biting insult. Here’s why.

by Bennett Kleinman
Dandies men of 1831

The slang term “dude” is as versatile as a plain white T-shirt or utility baseball player. You can use it to greet a good friend (“What’s up, dude?”), as a generic synonym for “guy” (“Some dude just paid for my coffee”), or in common expressions to convey approval or emotion (“Rock on, dude” or “No way, dude”). Or maybe someone did you wrong, causing you to shout, “Dude, why did you do that?” 

But as wide-ranging as the uses of “dude” may be today, the term was once much more specific and came with an insulting connotation. Let’s look at the origins of this word, which some believe goes back to before the American Revolution.

One theory, from linguists Barry Popik and Gerald Cohen in 2013, claims “dude” was likely derived from “doodle,” as in the 18th-century folk song “Yankee Doodle.” While the song is considered patriotic by many today, it was initially a song of mockery by the Brits toward Americans. 

The lyrics of that ditty mention a “yankee doodle dandy,” where “yankee” referred to New Englanders, “doodle” came from the German Dödel (meaning “fool”), and “dandy” was and still is defined as “a man who gives exaggerated attention to personal appearance.” Essentially, the character Yankee Doodle was an oafish American who tried to emulate his fancy European counterparts by sticking a feather in his cap.

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 “Dude” is believed to be a variant of “dood,” a shortened version of the word “doodle,” but it wasn’t coined until more than a century later, in the 1880s. Residents of New York City began using it in a derisive manner to describe foppish men — those who were very concerned with their appearance and wore the height of fashion. The word became more and more popular by the day, appearing in poems and New York Times articles.

Linguistics professor Michael Adams is less sure of the connection to “Yankee Doodle” than Popik and Cohen, but Adams concurs that the word “dude” was firmly established as an insult by the late 19th century. “It’s not a friendly term at that point,” he told Reader’s Digest.

As the decades went on, however, “dude” shed its insulting connotation. The change didn’t happen overnight, of course: There was a brief transition in the 19th century where “dude” was used by Westerners to describe visitors from big cities on the East coast. This gave rise to touristy attractions called dude ranches, where city slickers (or dudes) could stay and pay to experience the cowboy lifestyle.

During the 20th century, “dude” shifted from its original meaning even further as younger generations embraced the term as a generic way to refer to a person. While traditionally male, it has become fairly gender-neutral. Linguist Michael Adams believes “dude” is popular today because of the term’s use in 1980s cinema such as Fast Times at Ridgemont High, Bill & Ted’s Excellent Adventure, and Ferris Bueller’s Day Off. These films helped forever change the definition of “dude,” Adams told Reader’s Digest, “from an East Coast person who doesn’t know a saddle from a stirrup to a guy who is righteous and whom everybody admires.”

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2 MIN READ

Why Are Police Officers Called ‘Cops’?

To some they’re known as the fuzz, po-po, or five-0. But the most common term for police officers is “cops,” and here’s why.

by Bennett Kleinman
A police officer in uniform with a badge

The theme from the TV show Cops repeatedly asks, “Whatcha gonna do when they come for you?” But curious linguists may pose an entirely different question: Where does the word “cops” come from? While it’s common to refer to the police as cops, the terms don’t seem that similar, beyond a few shared letters. But there’s one backstory that explains the entire situation, as well as a few popular, albeit untrue theories we’d like to dispel.

One oft-repeated theory is that “cop” is an acronym for “constable on patrol,” but that’s not true. Another common misconception is that it references the copper badges and buttons worn on vintage New York City police uniforms — also false. The plain reality is that “cop” is derived from the dated verb “to cop,” defined as “to seize” or “to capture,” as one might nab a criminal.

The English verb “cop” is of northern British origin, coined in the early 18th century. It may come from the French term caper, meaning “to seize,” which itself comes from the Latin capere, meaning “to take.”

The term “copper” — as in a police officer — came about in 1838, used in the February 3 edition of Cockney Adventures: “Do it at vonce, else the coppers ‘ill come,’ said he of the short pipe.” This evolution of the verb “cop” to the noun “copper” was pretty straightforward. It follows the trajectory of how other verbs became nouns, such as “make” to “maker,” “pitch” to “pitcher,” and so on.

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Within two decades, the noun “copper” was shortened to just “cop.” In other words, we went from the verb “cop” to the noun “copper,” and then back to “cop,” but this time as a noun. The slang made its way to the United States by the late 1850s, as people began referring to police officers as cops far and wide. 

Other informal and slang terms have similarly clear backstories. For example, “po-po” is a shortened form of “police” that repeats the first syllable, and “five-0” (the numeral 0, not the letter “O”) comes from the television series Hawaii Five-0. (The name comes from Hawaii being the 50th state.) But origin stories aren’t always so well documented; for instance, nobody knows why people refer to police as fuzz, and yet the slang persists. 

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4 MIN READ

What Is a Group of Peacocks Called?

You might have heard about “murders of crows” and “flamboyances of flamingos.” Those are just a few examples of the many terms — some of which are downright silly — used to describe groups of animals.

by Bennett Kleinman
Group of majestic peacocks in the field

In 1486, the St. Albans Press in England published a work about heraldry, falconry, and hunting, titled the Boke of Seynt Albans — or Book of Saint Albans in modern spelling. Traditionally attributed to Dame Juliana Berners, the book is most famous for publicizing a list of collective nouns to denote certain animal groups. These collective nouns — known more specifically as terms of venery — have maintained lasting appeal, and some of them remain a part of our collective lexicon centuries later. We covered some of our favorites in a previous piece, but here are a few more that caught our eye.

Singular of Boars

It may seem oxymoronic to suggest that a group of boars could be described by the term “singular.” But in this case, the word is derived from the French sanglier, which refers to a full-grown wild boar. Adult boars do indeed have a reputation for living on their own, but that didn’t stop Dame Berners from co-opting the term to refer to groups of them.

Peep of Chickens


Marshmallow Peeps are a popular Easter confection. But the term “peep” can also refer to a group of actual chickens instead of ones made from sugar. The term is a reference to the sound that young chicks often make, which is known as peeping.

Leap of Leopards


The collective noun “leap of leopards” sounds perfectly pleasant rolling off the tongue. But this term of venery is more than just a playful case of alliteration. It references the incredible leaping ability of leopards, which can jump up to 10 feet in the air or 20 feet leaping ahead. 

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Murmuration of Starlings


The word “murmuration” has two definitions, one of which relates to low noises called murmurs. But in this case it refers to big flocks of birds, specifically starlings. A murmuration can consist of several hundred or even thousands of starlings, which can be seen soaring into the sky as if part of a giant wave.

Pace of Asses


Donkeys — or asses, as they’re sometimes known — are among the most reliable pack animals that exist. For this reason, a group of donkeys is called a pace, referring to the slow and steady nature of their gait as they tote materials around.

Muster of Peacocks


The word “muster” can be defined as “the act of assembling.” It’s commonly used when talking about military formations, though according to the Book of St. Albans, it can also be used to refer to groups of peacocks. An alternative term for a group of peacocks is “ostentation,” which is defined as “an excessive display” — much like a peacock’s set of showy feathers.

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Labour of Moles


Long before the Book of Saint Albans was published, other authors wrote about the hardworking nature of moles. Take the Roman poet Virgil, who wrote of the animal, “For gather’d Grain the blind laborious Mole.” “Labour of moles” uses the British spelling of “labor.”

Dule of Turtledoves


The word “dule” (or “dole”) means “grief” or “sorrow.” In folklore, turtledoves — a bird native to parts of Eurasia — were thought to have a melancholy voice that evoked senses of sorrow in mourners. So it made sense to call a group of turtledoves a dule or dole, playing off their reputation.

Harass of Horses


This collective noun has nothing to do with horses going around harassing people who don’t provide apples. It comes from the Middle English haras, referring to an enclosure for herds of stud horses. That word comes from the Old French haraz, meaning “troop of horses.”

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Dissimulation of Birds


If you’re dealing with birds but don’t quite know what type, you can refer to the group as a dissimulation. This term means “the act of dissembling” or “to hide under a false appearance.” Given the Book of St. Albans tackles the topic of hunting, it’s thought to come from the idea that birds fly in large packs to give off a false perception of being much larger, which might confuse predators and hunters.

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6 MIN READ

‘SOS’ Doesn’t Stand for Anything

It’s immediately recognizable as a call for help, but the popular explanation behind SOS is just a myth. Here’s the true story.

by Tony Dunnell
SOS message in bottle being washed away by tide

SOS — used as a distress signal from sinking ships, castaways on a desert island, hikers lost in the wilderness, and others in emergency situations — is the most universally understood cry for help on the planet. But ask someone what it stands for and there’s a good chance you’ll receive an answer that is both common and completely wrong. “SOS” does not stand for “save our souls” or “save our ship.” In fact, it wasn’t built from words at all. Here we take a look at the roots of the famous three-letter sequence and how it became so ingrained in the global consciousness. 

Dots, Dashes and Distress

In the mid-1800s, nations used different distress signals, primarily at sea, designed to be sent via Morse code, flag signals, or both. Morse code — a signaling system using dots, dashes, and spaces — was created in the 1830s by Samuel F.B. Morse and Alfred Lewis Vail, and was well established by the turn of the century, making it a natural choice for calling for help.  

The British, who were the preeminent maritime and naval power during the 19th century, used the code CQD. This sequence was established by the Marconi Company, a British telecommunications and engineering company. Its wireless operators used CQ as a code to signal all stations along a telegraph line, and the distress code CQD was an extension of this, meaning “All stations. Distress!” (It did not stand for “Come Quick, Danger,” an apt phrase that was applied later.) 

The Germans, meanwhile, used the code SOE as a general inquiry call; the Americans used NC (meaning “call for help without delay”); and various other nations had their own unique codes. But having different signals was not ideal, especially in emergency situations, and eventually an international conference was arranged to do something about it. 

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The Adoption of a Universal Signal

In 1906, the International Radiotelegraph Conference was held in Berlin, Germany. On the agenda was the standardization of ship-to-shore communications. During the conference, 27 countries signed one notable provision: the adoption of SOS as a truly international distress signal. 

The code wasn’t chosen to spell out a particular word or abbreviate a specific phrase. It didn’t even take into account individual letters. It was adopted purely for its simplicity within the Morse code system that Vail and Morse had built decades earlier. Radio conditions at sea were often poor, and any signal chosen needed to be short, unmistakable, and impossible to confuse with routine chatter. The solution was a continuous string of three dots, three dashes, and three dots — easy to remember, quick to type, and clear in its interpretation. 

The sequence came to be called SOS only after it was selected, because that particular pattern matches the individual Morse code sequences for S (three dots), O (three dashes), and S (three dots) again. In other words, the letters were a readable side effect of a pattern telecommunications engineers deemed effective, not a phrase someone chose first and then translated into code.

SOS Goes Global

The first confirmed use of SOS in a genuine emergency came in June 1909, when the RMS Slavonia ran aground near the Azores. Nearby ships picked up the distress signal and rescued everyone aboard. Then, on August 11, 1909, the steamer SS Arapahoe ran into problems off the coast of Cape Hatteras, North Carolina. The telegraph operator was initially confused about which distress signal to send, as SOS had only recently replaced the CQD signal he was more familiar with. He decided to send both signals, in what became the first transmission of SOS in America. Three years later, the RMS Titanic sank in the North Atlantic Ocean. Its operator also sent out both CQD and SOS calls for help, in the most widely reported and tragic use of SOS after its adoption. 

From there, SOS spread far beyond maritime radio. Its rhythm is so simple and distinct that it can be tapped out audibly or flashed with a light, making it just as useful for earthquake survivors trapped under rubble as for stranded hikers stuck on a mountaintop. The letters are also instantly recognizable when written out — perhaps most famously by castaways who spell out “SOS” on sandy beaches in the hope of signaling passing aircraft. And this isn’t just a trope in Hollywood movies. Numerous real-life cases exist, including a recent 2020 stranding on the tiny Pikelot Island in the South Pacific, from which three men were rescued after writing “SOS” on the beach using foliage and debris. 

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“Darling, Can’t You Hear Me? SOS.”

SOS has since grown to be a universally recognized signal for distress — not only in actual emergencies but also in pop culture. ABBA used it to great effect in their 1975 hit song “SOS,” while the classic 1979 rock track “Message in a Bottle” by The Police features Sting singing, “I’ll send an SOS to the world.” More recently, Rihanna and the Jonas Brothers have released tracks featuring the famous distress code. 

Despite the universal nature of SOS, the actual meaning of the letters is still widely misunderstood. Many people believe that they stand for something — typically “save our souls,” “save our ship,” or even “send out succor” — when in fact they stand for nothing at all. These are all instances of what is called a backronym — a phrase made up to fit the letters of an existing word (or sequence of letters, in the case of SOS), treating it as if it’s an abbreviation when it’s not.

Another example of a backronym is “Amber Alert,” originally named after a missing child, Amber Hagerman, but later given the backronym “America’s Missing: Broadcast Emergency Response.”

In any case, SOS has proved to be incredibly effective, not only by its continued use in emergency situations but also by its widespread adoption in popular culture. But its success has little to do with any hidden meaning and everything to do with simplicity. A signal designed to be heard clearly through static, using a code invented decades earlier, is still just as easy to recognize a century later, whether it’s tapped out in Morse code, stomped into snow, sung by Sting, or texted to a friend to request immediate extraction from an awkward date. 

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2 MIN READ

Why Is It Called ‘Plastic Surgery’?

The term “plastic surgery” has nothing to do with actual plastic or any other type of synthetic polymer. Instead, like a lot of things, it comes from ancient Greece.

by Bennett Kleinman
Rhinoplasty plastic surgery clinic preoperative surgical mapping young woman face dashed ink lines

Plastic surgery is “a branch of surgery concerned with improving the function or appearance of parts of the body through reconstructive or cosmetic procedures.” Both serve a purpose — reconstructive surgery, in particular, is critical to recovery after some types of trauma — but critics of cosmetic procedures sometimes call out cases in which they think the patient ends up looking overly artificial. For this reason, many people assume the “plastic” in “plastic surgery” has something to do with synthetic polymers. In reality, the word “plastic” is derived from the 19th-century development of the medical field and the Greek language.

The Greek adjective plastikos means that something is “capable of being molded or shaped.” To the ancient Greeks, the word was widely used in relation to pottery and other handmade goods. In time, plastikos spawned the Latin plasticus, which then became the English term “plastic,” meaning “capable of shaping or molding a mass of matter,” around the 1630s — long before the material called plastic was developed.

Around the early 19th century, “plastic” spread to the surgical world. In 1818, a German surgeon named Karl Ferdinand von Graefe pioneered new techniques related to molding and reshaping noses. He published a study called Rhinoplastik — combining the prefix rhino-, meaning “nose,” and the Greek-inspired suffix -plastik. In the wake of publication there was a spike in other surgeons conceiving of and performing various “-plasties” that targeted other physical features.

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With the emergence of so many similarly named reconstructive surgeries, it wasn’t long until the umbrella term “plastic surgery” emerged. The Oxford English Dictionary cites the earliest known instance in an 1837 edition of the Lancet medical journal, which refers to the concept as “a branch of surgery in which alone the operating surgeon becomes a real artist.” In 1838, surgeon Eduard Zeis helped popularize the term in a textbook titled Handbuch der plastischen Chirurgie (Handbook of Plastic Surgery).

So you can see that in an etymological sense, plastic surgery is clearly derived from the Greek plastikos and not our modern understanding of plastic materials. Human-made plastics weren’t invented until the 1860s — several decades after “plastic surgery” was coined as a surgical term.

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4 MIN READ

Meemaw or Nana? 15 Regional Names for Grandparents

From Mom-Mom and Pop-Pop to Meemaw and Pawpaw, the names we give our grandparents can be surprisingly regional — and sometimes carry traces of immigrant languages and local history.

by Jennifer Wood
Charming portrait of a grandmother with her grandchild in a sunny garden setting

Your grandparents may occupy roughly the same place on the family tree as someone else’s, but what you call them could depend on where that tree took root.

In Pennsylvania, a grandmother and grandfather might be Mom-Mom and Pop-Pop, respectively. Head north into New England, and you’re more likely to encounter Grammy and Grampy; head south and Meemaw and Pawpaw enter the conversation. Elsewhere, grandparents answer to Nana, Papa, and an ever-expanding collection of family-specific monikers.

These names aren’t random. Some reflect regional speech patterns or the influence of immigrant communities; others are variations on words for mothers and fathers. And many are simply the linguistic handiwork of kids, who have a long history of turning difficult words into easier — and often much cuter — options.

A grandparent’s nickname can offer clues about where their family is from, what languages they speak, and sometimes even which generation got to decide what everyone would call their parents’ parents. Here are some of the most popular and distinctive regional names for grandparents and the stories behind them.

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Mom-Mom and Pop-Pop

Few grandparent names announce a Mid-Atlantic connection quite like Mom-Mom (also spelled as MomMom or Mom Mom) and Pop-Pop (also PopPop or Pop Pop). The names are particularly associated with Pennsylvania and neighboring states, according to a survey by baby gear brand Chicco, although their reach extends beyond the region.

The doubled syllables sound like baby talk, and in a sense, that’s exactly what they are: Reduplication, the repetition of a sound or syllable, is common in words used by and with young children. Nana, Mimi, Maw-Maw, and Paw-Paw follow the same pattern.

But Pennsylvania’s grandparent vocabulary has also been linked to the region’s German and Pennsylvania Dutch population, signalling that familial names sometimes come from a family’s country of origin.

Grampy and Grammy

In New England, Grampy has long been a familiar alternative to Grandpa, while Grammy joins the broader American collection of names for grandmothers.

The “-y” ending is another way English speakers turn names into affectionate diminutives: Compare Daddy, Mommy, Granny, and Nanny. 

Meemaw and Maw-Maw

The American South has perhaps the richest collection of grandparent names. Meemaw, Mamaw, Maw-Maw, and Memaw are particularly associated with Southern speakers. They appear alongside Granny, Grandma, and Nana, with a particular name often held as tradition in a family.

These names may look like completely different words, but many are variations on Mama and Ma, reshaped to distinguish a grandmother from a child’s mother.

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Pawpaw and Papaw

In Southern-speak, Pawpaw and Papaw are Meemaw’s grandfather counterparts.

The spellings vary, as do the pronunciations, but the underlying construction is familiar: a child-friendly repetition or alteration of Pa or Papa.

While pawpaw is also the name of a fruit, the two words have different histories. In American English, Pawpaw is a family term, while the fruit name ultimately comes from the Spanish papaya.

Nana

Unlike some of its more geographically distinctive cousins, Nana refuses to stay in one place. It is one of the most popular grandmother names in the U.S., appearing across regions and generations. That ubiquity makes it harder to pin to a single American origin, though its first known usage dates back to the end of the 19th century.

Pa and Papa

Pa and Papa are similarly widespread, particularly across the Midwest and South. Both are short, easily pronounced words that have equivalents in numerous languages, making it difficult to assign them to one particular American region or ethnic group — which might help explain their staying power. Papa, which is also commonly used for one’s father in British English, originated in 1677.

Abuelo and Abuelito

Not all regional grandparent names are variations on English words. In parts of the U.S. where there are large Spanish-speaking populations, such as Florida, Abuelo and the less formal Abuelito are natural terms for one’s grandfather. Abuela and Abuelita are the female equivalents.

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Opa and Oma

Similarly, families with German backgrounds may refer to a grandfather as Opa and a grandmother as Oma. According to a Preply survey, Opa is the most popular name for grandfathers in Nebraska, while Oma rules for grandmothers in Pennsylvania and New Mexico.

Tutu

In Hawaii, Tūtū is a familiar term for a grandparent, with Tūtū kāne and Tūtū wahine used to specify grandfather and grandmother, respectively.

Like Abuelo, it is a reminder that the country’s familial vocabulary reflects the many languages and cultures that have shaped American communities.

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4 MIN READ

Why Do New Englanders Say ‘Wicked’?

You’ll only hear certain slang in specific places — like “wicked” meaning “good” in Boston. Where did this unique slang come from?

by Tony Dunnell
Matt Damon and Robin Williams in Good Will Hunting, 1997

Ask someone from Boston how their day is going, and there’s a strong chance they’ll say it’s “wicked good” — a phrase that includes a word whose dictionary definition means the opposite of good entirely. It’s one of the most recognizable quirks of the New England dialect, showing up everywhere from Good Will Hunting (“My boy’s wicked smart”) to local retailer Newbury Comics’ slogan, “A wicked good time!”

But why “wicked”? Are the god-fearing Puritans and the Salem witch trials to blame, as one popular theory suggests? While that makes for a colorful story, the truth is more complicated.

From “Wicca” to “Wicked”

There is a genuine witchcraft connection buried in “wicked,” but it predates Salem by centuries. Etymologically, the word traces back to the Old English wicca and wicce, the same roots that eventually gave English the word “witch.” In its original usage, “wicked” broadly referred to sorcery and evil influence — and it was not directly tied to 17th-century Massachusetts. The word appears in writing as far back as the 13th century, and Shakespeare used “wicked” in its ordinary, negative sense decades before the Salem trials began in 1692; take, for example, the famous line “Something wicked this way comes” from Macbeth (Act 4, Scene 1), written around 1606. 

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A Clever New Meaning

The modern New England usage of “wicked” isn’t its original form. Rather, it’s an intensifier: a word that adds force, emphasis, or degree to another word (e.g., “very” or “extremely”). “Wicked smart,” for example, carries the same meaning as “very smart.” This usage is mostly closely associated with the northeastern corner of the U.S. today, but it didn’t originate there.

Restoration-era dramatist Thomas Porter made linguistic history as one of the first to use “wicked” as an intensifier. As Danny Erker, associate professor of linguistics at Boston University, explained to Boston.com, the first recorded use of “wicked” as an adverb comes from Porter’s 1663 play A Witty Combat, or, the Female Victor: “Yesterday was a hot day, a wicked hot day.” So, the usage was coined in England — not in America by a Puritan. 

According to Merriam-Webster’s documentation of the word, the widespread use of “wicked” as an intensifier in New England is a distinctly late-20th-century phenomenon, arriving roughly 300 years after Salem. It’s safe to say, then, that neither the Puritans in general, nor the Salem trials more specifically, can lay claim to the popularization of “wicked” in the New England lexicon.  

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“Wicked” Takes New England

Linguists generally point to a more mundane phenomenon to explain New England’s embrace of “wicked.” Rather than having anything to do with 17th-century witch trials, it’s a simple case of grammaticalization — a linguistic process in which independent words with clear, concrete meanings turn into abstract grammatical markers. Here, “wicked” — a word with a strong negative meaning — was gradually repurposed as an intensifier, stripped of its original significance. 

English has a long history of doing this. Words such as “terribly” and “insanely” also trace back to negative meanings — terror and insanity — yet today they simply mean “very.” If someone says, “That was an awfully good cup of tea,” everyone knows there’s nothing awful about it — quite the contrary, in fact. 

“Wicked” appears to have followed the same well-worn linguistic path. New Englanders simply did what English speakers have always done with intense words: They borrowed one that meant something bad and repurposed it to mean something good — wicked good — instead. Why exactly it gained such traction in New England is unknown. At some point during the 1900s, the expression seems to have caught on, eventually growing so widespread that it became not just a part of the New England dialect, but a part of the regional identity.

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3 MIN READ

The Language That’s Only 50 Years Old

In the Australian Outback, a brand-new language was born just 50 years ago — and local children were the ones who created it.

by Tony Dunnell
A close-up of a vintage map globe showcasing Australia

When we talk broadly about the evolution of languages, we often use timelines spanning many thousands of years. Some linguists believe there might even have been a single original “Proto-Human” language — one from which all others evolved — spoken some 150,000 years ago. Since then, innumerable languages have evolved independently, flourishing and fading with the rise and fall of societies and civilizations. 

The evolution of a language tends to be a lengthy process, with changes occurring relatively slowly — often so slowly that one generation barely notices any real change in the way the next generation speaks, apart from the inevitable emergence of new slang. But one language spoken in Australia’s Northern Territory has bucked this trend entirely. Light Warlpiri, spoken today by around 350 people in the remote community of Lajamanu, is among the only languages in the world whose birth was actually witnessed and documented by linguists as it happened. 

Out of the Mouths of Babes

The linguist Carmel O’Shannessy came across Light Warlpiri while working as a teacher in Lajamanu in the late 1990s. She noticed that adults in the community, typically those up to around 35 years old, were speaking a distinct new language. Older members of the community were practiced at switching between traditional Warlpiri, English, and Kriol (an English-based creole dialect), but this was something different, distinct, and unified. 

Through her research, O’Shannessy traced the language’s roots back to the 1970s and ’80s — and its existence originated with the children of Lajamanu. Rather than simply absorbing one dominant language, the children began reshaping the way the adults spoke into something new. For many children in the small community, it became their first language.

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“During my four years living and working in the community,” O’Shannessy explained to Australian Geographic, “I realized that when children spoke to each other, every sentence contained both Warlpiri and English/Kriol.” But this was more than code-switching, the process of shifting from one language or dialect to another, depending on the context; according to O’Shannessy, it was a new language system, independent of the other languages spoken by the elders, with rules and patterns the children had never been explicitly taught by their parents. The kids of Lajamanu were, as she puts it, “active agents of language change.”

A Genuinely New Grammar

Light Warlpiri is particularly remarkable because it doesn’t just borrow words from multiple sources — plenty of languages do that, whether as loanwords, from slang, or elsewhere. What makes Light Warlpiri so fascinating is that it combines borrowed pieces from the mix of languages spoken by the older generations, creating an entirely original grammatical system found in none of its parent languages. 

For example, most of its verbs and verb structure come from English and Kriol, while many of its nouns have Warlpiri suffixes attached to them. However, the sentences are formed using what O’Shannessy calls a “radically innovative” structure independent from the languages previously spoken in Lajamanu. Even more unusual, Light Warlpiri has developed its own tense system. This includes distinct present and past forms that don’t come from any of the languages it descended from. 

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Combined, these elements have created a way of talking so different from Warlpiri, Kriol, and English that Light Warlpiri clearly constitutes a new language — one of around 7,170 in use across our planet today — even though it has existed for only about half a century. If you want to hear what Light Warlpiri sounds like, O’Shannessy created a charming picture book-style video narrated by a 7-year-old from the Lajamanu community. 

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4 MIN READ

Why Is ‘Polly’ Short for Mary?

Whether you go by Dick, Peggy, or Chuck, nicknames don’t always line up with a full name. Let’s look at how some odd monikers became so popular.

by Bennett Kleinman
hello my name is name tag with Dick written

The name Richard doesn’t seem to have much in common with the nickname Dick, and yet the latter is still widely used as a shortened version of the former. This is just one of many cases where a full name is shortened to a seemingly peculiar abbreviation. We’re talking about Johns who go by Jack, Margarets known as Peggy, and Marys who are called Polly.

While these nicknames may seem odd based on their spelling, there’s a logical origin story behind many of them. During the Middle Ages, it was a popular practice to shorten names and swap certain letters, resulting in a playful rhyming nickname. Here are several examples of this phenomenon, and some other curious nickname origin stories that follow completely different trajectories.

Dick (Richard)

The name Richard was among the most popular male names in medieval England. In fact, it was so common that scribes came up with several shorthand versions, including Rich and Rick, to save time and effort while writing. Then, in the early 13th century, the trend of rhyming sobriquets emerged. This produced nicknames such as Hitch, Hick, and, of course, Dick. While most of these rhymes have faded in terms of widespread use, the name Dick has experienced lasting popularity.

Bill (William)

Deriving the nickname Bill from William is another example of this playful medieval naming mechanism. It follows the same logic as above — William was shortened to Will, and in time, people rhymed it with Bill.

Peggy (Margaret)

Margaret was among the most popular female names in the Middle Ages, and it needed a playful nickname. Diminutive monikers such as Margot, Magge, Magot, Mog, and Meg soon appeared, and the latter two examples followed the rhyming shift that was popular at the time, giving us Pog and Peg. Sometimes a “-y” was tacked onto the nickname, giving us Poggy (not so common today) and Peggy, which was quite common in the mid-20th century.

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Polly (Mary)

Centuries ago, the nickname Mally was a common shorthand for people born Mary, but it largely fell out of use by the mid-18th century. Molly as a nickname for Mary also died out by the end of the 18th century, though it remains a common baby name on its own. But from Molly we got the rhyming moniker Polly, and that somehow stuck around long after Mally and Molly.

Jack (John)

The shift from John to Jack is yet another example of medieval nicknames with lasting appeal. In the Middle Ages, John — an extremely popular male name — was made into nicknames such as Johnkin, Jankin, and Jackin. Eventually, Jackin was shortened to simply Jack, which has maintained its popularity all these years later.

Sasha (Alexander)

Disconnected nicknames aren’t only an English-language phenomenon. In Russian culture, Sasha is a common nickname for Alexander (or the Russian equivalent Aleksandr). When it comes to Russian nicknames, it’s common to add “–sha” as a diminutive suffix. Take Aleksandr, shorten it to Sandr, and then replace the final few letters with the “–sha” suffix, resulting in Sasha. 

Pepe (José)

The name José is the Spanish version of the English name Joseph. The original version was Josepe, which was shortened to José over time. This explains, in part, why Pepe is a common nickname for people named José. It’s an abbreviation of the old name José comes from, taking the end portion and doubling it.

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Kit (Christopher)

You may be surprised to learn that Game of Thrones actor Kit Harington’s birth name is Christopher. It’s not as common a nickname today as it was centuries ago, but Kit is indeed a sobriquet for the given name Christopher. Meaning “bearing Christ,” this name is an abbreviated form of the first portion of Christopher, taking out three letters and changing the “C” to a “K” for a more prominent starting sound.

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